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Hi there Do you want a quick boost in ranks and sales for your eliteacademicessays. One variation is whether the grammatical subject of a declarative sen- tence has to be actually present in the sentence. The same is true for French, for English and for a great many languages. The same is true in Arabic and Chinese and many other languages.
This variation is captured by the pro-drop parameter � so-called for technical reasons we will not go into here. The pro-drop parameter variation has effects on the grammars of all languages; each of them is either pro-drop or non-pro-drop.
Children learning their first language at first start with sentences without subjects Hyams, Then those who are learning a non-pro-drop language such as English go on to learn that subjects are compulsory. The obvious question for L2 learning is whether it makes a difference if the first language does not have subjects and the second language does, and vice versa. Lydia White compared how English was learnt by speakers of French a non-pro-drop language with compulsory subjects and by speakers of Spanish a pro-drop language with optional subjects.
If the L1 setting for the pro-drop parameter has an effect, the Spanish-speaking learn- ers should make different mistakes from the French-speaking learners. Oddly enough, this effect does not nec- essarily go in the reverse direction: English learners of Spanish do not have as much difficulty with leaving the subject out as Spanish learners of English have with put- ting it in.
One attraction of this form of grammar is its close link to language acquisition, as we see in Chapter The parts of language that have to be learnt are the set- tings for the parameters on which languages vary. The parts which do not have to be learnt are the principles that all languages have in common. Learning the grammar of a second language is not so much learning completely new structures, rules, and so on, as discovering how to set the parameters for the new language � for example, whether you have to use a subject, what the word order is within the phrase � and acquiring new vocabulary.
Another attraction is that it provides a framework within which all languages can be compared. It used to be difficult to compare grammars of different lan- guages, say, English and Japanese, because they were regarded as totally different.
Now the grammars of all languages are seen as variations within a single overall scheme. Chinese, Arabic or Spanish students all have problems with the sub- ject in English because of their different setting for the pro-drop parameter. The implications of this overall model for language learning and language teach- ing are described in greater detail in Chapter For the moment we need to point out that the study of grammar and of acquisition by linguists and SLA researchers in recent years has been much more concerned with the development of abstract ways of looking at phenomena like pro-drop than with the conventional grammar of earlier sections.
Language teaching will eventually miss out if it does not keep up with such new ideas of grammar Cook, Principles and parameters theory puts grammar on a different plane from anything in language teaching. Hence teachers will not find any quick help with carrying out conventional grammar teaching in such forms of grammar.
But they will nevertheless understand better what the students are learning and the processes they are going through. It is an insightful way of looking at language which teachers have not hitherto been conscious of.
Let us gather together some of the threads about grammar and teaching intro- duced so far in this chapter. If the syllabus that the student is learning includes grammar in some shape or form, this should be not just a matter of structures and rules but a range of highly complex phenomena, a handful of which have been discussed in this chapter.
The L2 learning of grammar has turned out to be wider and deeper than anyone supposed. Teaching has to pay attention to the internal processes and knowledge the students are subconsciously building up in their minds.
Grammar is also relevant to the sequence in which elements of language are taught. Of necessity, language teaching has to present the various aspects of lan- guage in order, rather than introducing them all simultaneously. This is typical of the sequences that have been developed for EFL teaching over the past hundred years, based chiefly on the tense system.
While it has been tested in prac- tice, it has no particular justification from SLA research. When language use and classroom tasks became more important to teaching, the choice of a teaching sequence was no longer straightforward, since some way of sequencing these non-grammatical items needed to be found. SLA research has often claimed that there are definite orders for learning language, particularly for grammar, as we have seen.
What should teachers do about this? Four extreme points of view can be found: 1 Ignore the parts of grammar that have a particular L2 learning sequence, as the learner will follow these automatically in any case. Teachers should therefore get on with teaching the thousand and one other things that the student needs, and should let nature follow its course. So the order of teaching should follow the order found in L2 learning as much as possible. The students can best be helped by being given the extreme point of the sequence and by filling in the intermediary positions for themselves.
It has been claimed, for example, that teaching the most difficult types of relative clauses is more effective than teach- ing the easy forms, because the students fill in the gaps for themselves sponta- neously rather than needing them filled by teaching.
Obviously this depends on the definition of grammar: in the Lang5 sense that any speaker of a language knows the grammatical system of the language, then grammar is not dispensable in this way, but plays a part in every sentence anybody pro- duces or comprehends for whatever communicative reason.
As with pronunciation, an additional problem is which grammar to use. Traditionally for English the model has been taken to be that of a literate edu- cated native speaker from an English-speaking country. This, however, ignores the differences between varieties of English spoken in different countries. And similar issues arise in choosing a grammatical model for most languages that are used across a variety of countries: should French be based on Parisians and ignore the rest of France, along with the Frenches spoken in Switzerland, Quebec and Central Africa?
No one would probably hold completely to these simplified views. The fuller implications of the L2 order of learning or difficulty depend on the rest of teach- ing. Teaching must balance grammar against language functions, vocabulary, class- room interaction, and much else that goes on in the classroom to find the appropriate teaching for those students in that situation.
Teachers do not necessar- ily have to choose between these alternatives once and for all. A different decision may have to be made for each area of grammar or language and each stage of acqui- sition. The role of explicit grammar in language teaching 39 Box 2. In what way? Keywords consciousness-raising: helping the learners by drawing attention to features of the second language language awareness: helping the learners by raising awareness of language itself sensitization: helping the learners by alerting them to features of the first lan- guage focus on FormS: deliberate discussion of grammar without reference to mean- ing focus on form FonF : discussion of grammar and vocabulary arising from meaningful language in the classroom It is one thing to make teachers aware of grammar and to base coursebooks, syl- labuses and teaching exercises on grammar.
It is something else to say that the stu- dents themselves should be aware of grammar. Indeed, Chapter 1 showed that the nineteenth- and twentieth-century teaching tradition has avoided explicit gram- mar in the classroom.
This section looks at some of the ideas that have been raised about using grammatical terms and descriptions with the student.
Though the dis- cussion happens to concentrate on grammar, the same issues arise about the use of phonetic symbols in pronunciation teaching, the class discussion of meanings of words, or the explanations of language functions, all of which depend on the stu- dents consciously understanding the rules and features of language.
One issue is the extent to which grammatical form and meaning should be sep- arated. A linguist might object that grammar is a system for encoding and decoding particular meanings; any teaching of grammar that does not involve meaning is not teaching grammar at all.
However, the distinction between FormS and FonF does focus attention away from grammar explanation for its sake, towards thinking how grammar may contribute within the whole context of lan- guage teaching methodology, as described in Chapter Explicit grammar teaching This revives the classical debate in language teaching about whether grammar should be explained to the students, as mentioned in Chapter 1. Usually the kind of grammar involved is the traditional or structural grammar described earlier, exemplified in books such as Basic Grammar in Use Murphy, ; seldom does it mean grammar in the sense of knowledge of principles and parameters such as locality and pro-drop.
Hence it has often been argued that the problem with teaching grammar overtly is not the method itself but the type of grammar that has been used. Most linguists would regard these grammars as the equivalent to using alchemy as the basis for teaching chemistry. Other types of grammar are hardly ever used.
If the grammar content were better, perhaps explicit grammar teaching would be more effective. The use of explicit explanation implies that L2 learning is different from L1 learning, where it never occurs.
The main issue is the connection between conscious understanding of a rule and the ability to use it. Any linguist can tell you facts about languages such as Japanese or Gboudi that their native speakers could not describe. This does not mean the linguists can say a single word, let alone a sentence, of Japanese or Gboudi in a comprehensible way. In their case this satisfies their needs. Grammatical explanation is a way of teaching facts about the language � that is to say, a form of linguistics.
If the aim of teaching is academic knowledge of language, conscious understanding is acceptable as a form of L2 learning. Grammatical explanation in the classroom has relied on the assumption that rules which are learnt consciously can be converted into unconscious processes of comprehension and production.
Some people have questioned whether academic knowledge ever converts into the ability to use the language in this way. The French subjunctive was explained to me at school, not just to give me academic knowledge of the facts of French, but to help me to write French.
Stephen Krashen , however, has persistently denied that consciously learnt rules change into normal speech processes in the same way as grammar that is acquired unconsciously, sometimes called the non-interface position, that is, that learnt grammar does not convert into the acquired grammar that speech depends on.
Conscious knowledge of language rules in this view is no more than an optional extra. Convincing as these claims may be, one should remember that many graduates of European universities who learnt English by studying traditional grammars turned into fluent and spontaneous speakers of English.
I asked university-level students of English which explicit grammar rules they had found useful; almost all said that they still sometimes visualized verb paradigms for English to check what they were writing.
This at least suggests that the conversion of conscious rules to non-conscious processes does take place for some academic students; every teaching method works for someone somewhere. Language awareness An alternative possibility is that raising awareness of language in general helps second language learning. If the students know the kind of thing to expect in the new language, they are more receptive to it.
They invent their own labels for grammar, rather than being taught a pre-established system. The textbook Learning to Learn English Ellis and Sinclair, pro- vides some exercises to make EFL learners more aware of their own predilections, for instance, suggesting ways for the students to discover grammatical rules them- selves.
Philip Riley suggested sensitization of the students by using features of the first language to help them understand the second, say, by discussing puns to help them see how speech is split up into words.
Increasing awareness of lan- guage may have many educational advantages and indeed help L2 learning in a broad sense. Raised awareness of language is in itself a goal of some language teaching.
It has no particular seal of approval from the types of grammar consid- ered in this chapter, however. However, she found variation between individuals rather than a consistent pattern. The group who were given explanations did indeed do better than the other groups for the adjectives, but there were only slight effects for pas- sives. Hence there seems to be a difference in the extent to which grammatical forms lend themselves to focus on form: participial adjectives do, passives do not.
Nevertheless, the point is that all the parts of grammar cannot be treated in the same way. Because we can help students by clearing up their confusions over past tense endings, we cannot necessarily do the same with relative clauses.
The teaching applications of FonF are discussed at greater length in Chapter 13 as part of task-based teaching. The overall feeling is that judicious use of focus on form within other activities may be useful, rather than full-scale grammar explanation.
The focus on form FonF argument combines sev- eral different threads, all of which are fruitful for teachers to think about: how they can highlight features of the input, subtly direct attention to grammatical errors through recasting, and slip grammatical discussion in as support for other activities, all of which are sound classroom practice. Nor does it answer the question of which type of grammar is appro- priate for language teaching.
Much teaching simply uses structural or traditional grammar without realizing that there are alternative approaches, or indeed that such approaches are not taken seriously as grammar today. Teaching can utilize the known facts about these stages in several ways. Discussion topics 1 Here are seven techniques for teaching grammar. Decide in the light of the var- ious approaches in this chapter what the chief advantage or disadvantage may be for each.
Grammar teaching technique Advantage Disadvantage explanation What type of grammar does it employ? How successfully?
For example, what things do you feel people should not say? How much atten- tion do they receive in teaching? How much should they receive? How important do you think that order of presentation is to language teaching? Would this be a good idea? Further reading A good overview of grammatical morphemes research is in Goldschneider and DeKeyser Various viewpoints on grammar and language teaching are summarized in Odlin Pedagogical Grammar.
Otherwise the reader is referred to the books and arti- cles cited in the text. Some grammatical terms See also the glossary on the website. Learning and teaching vocabulary 3 The acquisition of vocabulary at first sight seems straightforward; we all know you need a large number of words to speak a language.
But there is far more to acquiring vocabulary than the acquisition of words. Since the late s there has been a massive explosion in research into the acqui- sition of vocabulary, seen in books such as Nation However, much of it is concerned with the acquisition of isolated words in laboratory experiments and is tested by whether people remember them, not whether they can use them.
While such research gives some hints, much of it has little to say about how we can teach people to use a second language vocabulary. Would you teach them all to beginners? Keywords word frequency: simply measured by counting how often a word or word form occurs in a large sample of spoken or written language, such as the British National Corpus BNC www.
Traditional syllabuses for language teaching usually include lists of the most frequent words. Now that vast collections of language are easily accessible on the computer, counting the frequencies of words is fairly simple. The top words account for 45 per cent of all the words in the BNC; in other words, knowing words would allow you at least to recognize nearly half of the words you meet in English.
Usually the teaching of structure words is seen as part of grammar, not vocabulary. Frequency is taken to apply more to content words. Nevertheless we should not forget that the most frequent words in the language are mostly structure words: the top words only include three nouns.
The 20 most frequent words in the BNC for three types of content word are given in Table 3. This list also has some surprises for teachers. Influential as frequency has been in teaching, it has not played a major role in SLA research. It is true that you are more likely to remember a word you meet every day than one you only meet once. But there are many other factors that make students learn words. Frequency of vocabulary has been applied in teaching mainly to the choice of words to be taught.
In a sense, the most useful words for the student are obviously going to be those that are common. But it is unnecessary to worry about fre- quency too much. If the students are getting reasonably natural English from their coursebooks and their teachers, the common words will be supplied auto- matically.
Any natural English the students hear will have the proper frequencies of words; it is only the edited texts and conversations of the classroom that do not have these properties, for better or worse.
Box 3. Learning vocabulary means acquiring long lists of words with their mean- ings, whether through some direct link or via translation into the first language. Coursebooks often have vocabulary lists that organize the words in the course alphabetically, sometimes with brief translations.
However, a word in the Lang5 sense of language as knowledge in the mind is more than its meaning. Words have specific spellings and are linked to the spelling rules of the language. The Universal Grammar model of language acquisition, described in Chapter 12, claims that the argument structure of words is pivotal in language acquisition. We have to know when and to whom it is appropriate to use a word. It is acquiring a complex range of information about its spoken and written form, the ways it is used in grammatical structures and word combinations, and diverse aspects of meaning.
Of course, nobody completely knows every aspect of a word. Nor does any individual speaker possess all the dictionary meanings for a word. Hence the message for language teaching is that vocabulary is everywhere. Effective acquisition of vocabulary can never be just the learning of individual words and their meanings in isolation. As in most coursebooks, the main emphasis here is on learning vocabulary as meaning, organized in a systematic, logical fashion, rather than on the other aspects mentioned above, which are usually dealt with incidentally in the texts and dialogues rather than in specific vocabulary work.
The fundamental question in SLA vocabulary research is how the words of the two languages are stored in the mind. The various alternatives are set out below. At the moment it is far from certain which of these possibilities is correct.
People with two languages are still aware of the words of one language when the other is not being used. So it seems unlikely that there are entirely separate stores. So the question of one dictionary or two is unanswerable at the moment. In your second? Linguists have spent at least a century exploring the different types of meaning that words can have.
Here we look at three types that have been linked to L2 acquisition. Components of meaning Often the meaning of a word can be broken up into smaller components.
At one stage they know one component of the meaning but not the other. An informal version of this components approach can be found in coursebooks such as The Words You Need Rudzka et al. Students are encouraged to use the meaning components to build up their vocabulary while reading texts. Lexical relations Words do not exist by themselves, however, but are always in relationship to other words. Words function within systems of meaning. A metaphor for meaning that is often used is traffic lights.
If a simple three-colour system can lead to such complexity of meanings and indeed traffic acci- dents , think what happens with the thousands of words in any human language. In his book Lexical Semantics Cruse brought out many relationships between words. Each category may have many variations. And doubtless many more. Prototypes Some aspects of meaning cannot be split up into components but are taken in as wholes. Speakers have a central form of a concept and the things they see and talk about correspond better or worse with this prototype.
The basic level of vocabulary is easier to use and to learn. On this foundation, children build higher and lower levels of vocabulary. Some examples of the three levels of vocabulary are seen in Table 3. Superordinate terms furniture bird fruit Basic-level terms table, chair sparrow, robin apple, strawberry Subordinate terms coffee table, field sparrow Golden Delicious, wild armchair strawberry Table 3.
They start with the most basic level as it is easiest for the mind to perceive. Only after this has been learnt do they go on to words that are more general or more specific. This sequence of levels, however, is different from the usual order of presentation in language teaching in which the teacher introduces a whole group of words simul- taneously.
The human mind auto- matically starts from this concrete level rather than from a more abstract level or a more specific one. Starting with vocabulary items that can be shown easily in pictures fits in with the Rosch theory; grouping them prematurely into superordi- nate categories does not.
A drawing can be readily recognized as a chair but is less easy to see as an armchair or as furniture. Hence prototype theory ties in with the audio-visual method of language teaching that introduces new vocabulary with a picture of what it represents, in an appropriate cultural setting.
This theory has particular implications for teaching of vocabulary at the beginning stages. Are meanings universal? So far as meaning is concerned, the interesting question that has been raised over the years is whether speakers of all languages possess the same concepts, despite variation in the words used to express them, or whether meanings vary from one language to another as well as the words that convey them.
The well-known example is how people see colours. Originally research showed that languages could be arranged on a single scale, as seen in Figure 3. All the lan- guages of the world fit into this scale somewhere. Or do they see it in the same way but speak differently? Since the late s a fair amount of research has shown that differences in thinking go with differences in language. Now the whiteboard is in the east, the students in the west, the door on the north, the window on the south.
Try blindfolding two speakers of Aboriginal and English and abandoning them in the middle of a forest; who would you think finds their way out first? If you know two languages, what happens to your thinking? Will you always think like speakers of the L1 or will you shift to thinking like speakers of the L2, or will you think like neither of them? SLA research has been investigating this issue in controlled experiments in recent years. Greeks who know English separate the two blues differently from Greeks who do not know English Athanasopoulos, Hence learning another language can have more far-reaching effects on the learner than anybody imagined; you may think in a slightly different way if you know another language.
In your first? Spend three minutes on this and then do the test at the end of the chapter on page When you want to say something in a second language, it is the words that you feel you struggle for rather than the grammar or pronunciation. Hence L2 users have devised strategies to compensate for words they do not know, discussed in Chapter 6. First test yourself on the task in Box 3. Strategies for understanding the meaning of words One main issue is learning the meaning of new words. What do you do?
Guess from the situation or context The situation is sitting at a restaurant table; the person is a stranger � what could the sentence be? This is the natural process of getting meaning for unknown words that we use all the time in our first language: if we encounter a new word in our reading, how often do we bother to check precisely what it means in a dictionary? Guessing is a much-used strategy in a second language.
But of course it can go wrong. The use of dictionaries in language teaching has always been controversial to some extent. If you believe that the word-stores of the two languages must be kept distinct in the mind, you will go for monolingual L2 dictionaries. If you believe that the words for the two languages are effectively kept in one joint store, you will prefer translation dictionaries. Production dictionaries permit one to hunt for the precise word to express something one wants to say.
Traditional dictionaries such as the OED depended on col- lecting a large sample of words from many sources, including other dictionaries. Recent dictionaries have been based on large-scale collections of real spoken and written language processed by computer.
Dictionary use can only be minimal during speech, however important it may be during reading and writing. At best students can use it as a prop for the occasional word, say, in a lecture, as many of my overseas students seem to do with their pocket electronic dictionaries. Students often seem to avoid such cognates Lightbown and Libben, , perhaps to keep the two languages sepa- rate in their minds.
Given the relation- ships between many European languages and the amount of word-borrowing that affects modern languages everywhere, there may well be some links between the L2 word and something in the second language. With other words a reasonable guessing strategy may nevertheless be to try to relate them to the L1, provided of course there is a rela- tionship between the two languages � it does not work for English speakers trying to read street signs in Hungary.
Strategies for acquiring words It is one thing to be able to work out the meaning of a word on one occasion; it is another to remember the word so that it can be used on future occasions. Some of the strategies that learners use are set out below.
Repetition and rote learning The commonest approach is perhaps sheer practice: repeat the word again and again until you know it by heart.
Typically this is done by memorizing lists of words or by testing yourself repeatedly on piles of flashcards, eliminating the ones you know until none are left. However, much of this work may be in vain.
Practice may not be able to make up for a disastrous first encounter. Organizing words in the mind Much teaching of vocabulary implies that the effective way of learning vocabulary is to organize the words into groups in our mind.
Touchstone McCarthy et al. Organizing words in groups by common morphology linked to meaning may be a useful way of remembering them. Linking to existing knowledge The commonest way of remembering new vocabulary is to exploit the different memory systems in our minds for linking new information to old.
Learning an entirely new item may be very hard; it will be a single isolated piece of knowledge that will rapidly fade. The ancient Greeks first devised memory systems to help with delivering speeches. You imagine a palace with many rooms; you enter the palace and turn to the left into the west wing; you go up the stairs, find a corridor and go into the third room on the left; you put your piece of information on the second bookcase on the left, second shelf up, on the left.
To retrieve the information you mentally retrace your footsteps to the same point. Adaptations of the loci theory are still in use today by people who entertain with feats of memory; it is also supposed to be useful for card players. Other ways of remembering information link what you are learning to some- thing you already know through mental imagery. First you need to memorize a simple scheme for storing information; then you need to link the new information to the scheme you already know.
New information is hooked in to old. And so on for nine other items. Things remembered in this way can be quickly recovered from memory, even out of sequence.
Elaborate schemes exist for handling more items at a time. In one, students acquire L2 words by associating them with incongruous images or sounds in the L1. This complicated chain of associations may prove difficult to use in actual speech. Indeed, these strategies treat a word as being paired with a single meaning and thus ignore not only all the depth of meaning of the word but also all the other aspects outlined earlier. They amount to a sophisticated form of list learning.
What we have been saying impinges on teaching in at least four main ways. Demonstrating meaning One of the central issues of language teaching is how to get the meaning of a new word across to the student. This depends on what we believe meaning to be and on the nature of the particular word.
All these techniques assume that getting meaning is simply associating a word with a unique meaning. Teaching the complexity of words L2 learning of vocabulary is not just learning a word once and for all, but learning the range of information that goes with it.
It is unlikely that everything about a word is learnt simultaneously; we might not know its spelling; we might be miss- ing some of the components of its meaning; we certainly will not know all the word combinations in which it can occur.
The problems associated with going from the first language to the second are not just the transfer of the actual words, but also the relationships and overtones they carry in the L1. Most uses of vocabu- lary in textbooks imply that words have single meanings: books that have vocabu- lary lists usually give single-word translations. An aspect of vocabulary that has become important in recent years is how the word fits in to the structure of the sentence. A speaker of English knows not only what a word means and how it is pronounced, but also how it fits into sentences.
Teaching cannot ignore that the student has to learn not just the meaning and pronunciation of each word, but how to use it. One simple way of doing this is the traditional task of getting the students to make up sentences using particular words.
Words are multifaceted; we do not know a word properly until we have learnt its forms, its different types of meaning and the ways in which it is used in sentences.
For example, teachers implicitly draw on many of the strate- gies we have just outlined when they introduce new vocabulary. Getting the students to sort vocabulary into sets relies on the strategy for organizing things in their minds. Whose vocabulary is the learner acquiring? Finally, as usual there is the issue not of what vocabulary the learner should be acquiring, but whose vocabulary? If students want to be like native speakers, we have to define which native speakers. Even if the variation in vocabulary is not extensive, language teaching still has to consider which native speaker is most appropriate.
The words they need may be those that are understood by fellow L2 users, not by native speakers. Discussion topics 1 Take a lesson or a page from the textbook you are most familiar with: what new words are taught, and how? Further reading An interesting book with many exercises for vocabulary teaching is Lewis The Lexical Approach. Answers to Box 3. A full version of this test is on the website. Tick the strategies you used: 1 Linking L2 sounds to sounds of the L1 word.
Check your answers against page Keywords phonetic alphabet: a way of transcribing the sounds of speech through a care- fully designed set of symbols, as in the IPA International Phonetics Alphabet phonology and phonetics: phonology is the branch of linguistics that deals with the sound systems of language, including phonemes and intonation; phonetics is the branch that deals with the sheer sounds themselves Language conveys meanings from one person to another through spoken sounds, written letters or gestures.
Speakers know how to pronounce the words, sentences and utterances of their native language. The phonologies of languages differ in terms of which sounds they use, in the ways they structure sounds into syllables, and in how they use intonation, hard as this may be for many students to appre- ciate, and difficult as it may be for teachers to teach.
It is impossible to imagine a non-disabled speaker of a language who could not pronounce sentences in it. Talking about the sounds of language necessitates some way of writing down the sounds without reference to ordinary written language. For over a century the solution for researchers and teachers in much of the world has been the International Phonetic Alphabet IPA , which supplies symbols for all the sounds that could occur in human languages.
The full version is given in many books and the latest official revision can be downloaded from the International Phonetic Association; there is also an online version at the University of California, Los Angeles, that gives demonstrations of how the sounds are pronounced.
This then gives a way of showing the sheer sounds of language, known as phonetics. So the version of IPA that is normally encoun- tered in teaching is that used for transcribing a particular language, for instance the sounds of English, included somewhere in most coursebooks. A transcript that records sheer phonetic sounds is independent of language and so uses the full IPA chart; usually this is put in square brackets, for example [tin].
Box 4. Note: it only covers the consonants of English as the vowels would be more complicated to test and have far more variations from one native speaker to another. A version of this test that can be printed out is available on the website. Find a non-native speaker of English and get them to read the following words aloud rapidly.
Point to words at random rather than in sequence. Score each selected consonant as; 1 native-like accent; 2 comprehensible but not fully native; 3 non-native pronunciation. Note any peculiarities on the right. Do not pay attention to vowels. Phonemes and second language acquisition 69 4. A phoneme is a sound which is conventionally used to distinguish meanings in a particular language.
Human languages have between 11 and phonemes, English being about average with 44 or so depending on accent.
As well as phonemes, there are allophones � variant pronunciations for a phoneme in different situations. The problem for second language acquisition is that each language has its own set of phonemes and allophones. When the phonemes of spoken language connect one-to-one to the letters of alphabetic written language, the writing system is called transparent, as in Finnish or Italian.
The English writing system is far from transparent because there are many more sounds than letters to go round: 44 phonemes will not go into 26 let- ters. And of course letters are used very differently in the spelling of, say, English, Polish and Arabic. Most EFL coursebooks use a phonetic script as a resource to be consulted from time to time rather than as the main vehicle for teaching; charts of the phonetic alphabet for English can be seen pinned up in many classrooms.
The elementary coursebook New Headway Beginners Soars and Soars, has a chart of the symbols for English at the end of the book and uses them in the vocabulary lists, but only a handful of exercises in the book actually use them.
Over the years the concept of the phoneme has proved useful in organizing mate- rials for teaching pronunciation, even when it has been largely superseded in much phonological research. Pronunciation textbooks like Ship or Sheep? This allows you, in principle, to build up the whole phoneme inventory � in practice, it is very hard to do, as I Boat Slips For Sale Harkers Island Nc Pdf discovered when I naively tried to demonstrate it in a lecture with a native speaker of a language I did not know Russian.
Like the teaching of structural grammar, this activity emphasizes practice rather than communication and sees pronunciation as a set of habits for producing sounds. Learning to pronounce a second language means building up new pronunciation habits and overcoming the bias of the first language. In other areas of language teaching, such as grammar, people would scorn making students simply repeat sentences.
Nevertheless it remains a popular technique for pronunciation teaching. Phonemes and second language acquisition 71 Box 4. Phoneme learning Traditionally, much research into the L2 acquisition of phonology has focused on the phoneme. One classic example is the work of Wilfried Wieden and William Nemser , who looked at phonemes and features in the acquisition of English by Austrian schoolchildren.
They found that some phonemes improved gradually over time while others showed no improvement. The learners went through three stages: 1 Presystemic. Now the learners start to treat the second language sounds systemati- cally as equivalent to the sounds of their first language, that is, they see the sec- ond language sounds through the lens of the first. Finally the learners realize their native sounds are not good enough and attempt to restructure the L2 sounds in a new system; they realize that the sounds are not just variants of their native sounds.
This example shows the important role of transfer from one language to another in acquiring pronunciation. It is not, however, a simple matter of transferring a single phoneme from the first language to the second, but of carrying over general properties of the first language. The phonemes of the lan- guage do not exist as individual items but are part of a whole system of contrasts.
Practising a single phoneme or pair of phonemes may not tackle the underlying issue. As well as the allophone, mentioned above, the elements which make up a phoneme also need to be taken into account. Seemingly different phonemes share common features which will present a learning problem that stretches across sev- eral phonemes.
The difference between voiced and voiceless plosives is not a matter of whether voicing occurs but when it occurs, that is, of timing relative to the moment of release.
The distinction between voiced and voiceless plosives is a matter of convention rather than absolute. An interesting question is whether there are two separate systems to handle the two languages or one system that covers both. It makes no difference to their perception of stops which language is used. We should not expect them to be like natives, but like people who can use another language efficiently in their own right � L2 users with multi-competence, not imitation native speakers with monolingual competence.
Many theories of phonology see the phoneme as built up of a number of dis- tinctive features. And other features as well. All the differences between phonemes can be reduced to about 19 of these distinctive features, though no two lists seem to agree � aspiration is not usually on the list.
The characteristics of a foreign accent often reside in these distinctive features. It is often the feature that gives trou- ble, not the individual phoneme. The Speech Accent Archive at George Mason University details the typical pronunciations of many accents of English, both native and non-native.
However useful phonemes may be for organizing teaching, they do not in themselves have much to do with learning pronunciation. The phoneme is not an entity in itself but an abstract way of bundling together several aspects of pronun- ciation.
The phonemes of a language are made up of distinctive features. Learning another language means acquiring not just each phoneme as a whole, but the cru- cial features.
The same is true of phonology: phonemes are part of the phonological structure of the sentence, not just items strung together like beads on a necklace. In particular they form part of the struc- ture of syllables.
CVC languages vary in how many consonants can come at the beginning or end of the syllable. One difficulty for the L2 learner comes from how the consonants combine with each other to make CC � the permissible consonant clusters. The compulsory vowel in the English syllable can be preceded or followed by one or more consonants. L2 learners often try by one means or another to make English clusters fit their first languages. They are inserting extra vowels to make English conform to Korean or Arabic, a process known as epenthesis.
Part of their first language system is being trans- ferred into English. So the clash between the syllable structures of the first and second languages is resolved by the expedient of adding vowels or leaving out consonants, a true interlanguage solution. It is not just the phonemes in the sentence that matter, but the abstract syllable structure that governs their combination.
Indeed, some phonologists regard the syllable as the main unit in speaking or listening, rather than the phoneme, one reason being that the sheer number of phonemes per sec- ond is too many for the brain to process and so some other unit must be involved. In your L2? Keywords transfer: carrying over elements of one language one knows to another, whether L1 to L2 or L2 to L1 reverse transfer accent versus dialect: an accent is a way of pronouncing a language that is typ- ical of a particular group, whether regional or social; a dialect is the whole system characteristic of a particular group, including grammar and vocabu- lary, and so on, as well as pronunciation Let us now look at some general issues about the learning of L2 pronunciation.
Chapter 10 asks whether this matters: after all, we can tell instantly whether a native speaker of English comes from Texas, Glasgow or Sydney, but this does not mean we see their accent as wrong. In the second language very few people manage to acquire an accent that can pass for native; at best, L2 users have boasted to me of being mistaken for a native speaker of some variety other than that of the person they are talking to; for example, a Swedish speaker of English might be taken to be an American in England.
Foreign accent is all but ineradicable � but then so are many local accents of English. The components of foreign accent may be at different levels of phonology. The most salient may be the apparent use of the wrong phoneme. This carries perhaps the greatest toll for the L2 user as it involves potential misunderstandings. Next comes the level of allophones; saying the wrong allophone will not interfere with the actual meaning of the word, but may increase the overall difficulty of comprehension if the listener always has to strug- gle to work out what phoneme is intended.
And it certainly gives rise to character- istic accents. And we have seen that syllables and clusters pose problems for many. The reason for these pronunciation problems has been called cross-linguistic transfer: a person who knows two languages transfers some aspect from one lan- guage to another; in other words, this is language in a Lang5 sense of linguistic competence.
What can be transferred depends, among other things, on the rela- tionship between the two languages. Fred Eckmann et al. A Korean learning English has to learn two new phonemes from scratch. Japanese learners of English have to learn an extra phoneme. Spanish learners of English have to learn that what they take for granted as alternative forms of the same phoneme are in fact different phonemes in English.
Which of these creates the most problems for learners? So English people should have a problem acquiring these German phonemes; but this is not the case. By and large, totally new sounds do not create particular prob- lems. One exception might be click phonemes in some African languages, which speakers of non-click languages find it hard to master, though young babies are very good at it. The more similar the two phonemes may be in the L1 and the L2, the more deceptive it may be.
The first language phonology affects the acquisition of the second through transfer because the learner projects qualities of the first language onto the sec- ond.
The same happens in reverse in that people who speak a second language have a slightly different accent in their first language from monolinguals. L2 and universal processes of acquisition As well as transfer, L2 learners make use of universal processes common to all learners. Some problems are shared by L2 learners because of the similar processes of language processing and acquisition engraved on their minds. For example, the simplification of consonant clusters happens almost regardless of L1.
Similarly, the use of CV syllables by many L2 learners could reflect a universal tendency rather than transfer from specific first languages. While epenthesis often depends on the structure of the first language, it neverthe- less appears to be available to all L2 learners. A number of models have been put forward to explain L2 phonological acquisi- tion in a second language.
The ontogeny phylogeny model of language acquisi- tion put forward by Roy Major claims that the early stages of L2 learning are characterized by interference from the second language. Then the learner starts to rely on universal processes common to all learners.
The L2 elements themselves increase over time until finally the learner possesses the L2 forms. This is shown in the stages captured in Figure 4. In the next stages, though the Spanish [r] starts to appear, they also use an uvular trilled [r] based on their universal processes. Learning pronunciation then depends on three different components � L1 transfer, universal processes and L2. Do you speak it? Usually this is taken to be some type of native speaker, an assump- tion questioned in Chapter The usual model for teaching is a status form of the language within a country: you are supposed to speak French like the inhabitants of Paris, not of Marseilles or Brittany.
Regional accents are not taught, nor are class dialects other than that of the educated middle class. These status accents are spoken by a small minority of speakers, even if many others shift their original accents towards them to get on, say, in politics or broadcasting. The goal for teaching British English has long been RP, which is spoken by a small minority even in England; my students in Newcastle grumble that they never hear it outside the classroom.
The claimed advantages of RP were that, despite its small number of speakers located in only one country, it was comprehensible everywhere and had neutral connotations in terms of class and region. True as this may be, it does sound like a last-ditch defence of the powerful status form against the rest.
So the phonemes and intonation of a particular language that are taught to students should vary according to the choice of regional or status form. An additional problem in choosing a model comes when a language is spoken in many countries, each of which has its own status form, say, French used offi- cially in 28 countries, Arabic in 18 or English in Should the target for French be a francophone African one, a Canadian one or a French one?
The English-speak- ing countries, from Australia to Canada, Scotland to South Africa, each have their own variety, with its own internal range; outside these countries there are well- established varieties of English spoken in countries such as Singapore and India, now mostly recognized as forms of English in their own right, like Singlish and Hinglish.
A global language such as English faces the problem not just of which local variety within a country to teach, but of which country to take as a model � if any.
The choice of which national model to use can seldom be made without taking into account the political nature of language, particularly in ex-colonial countries, a topic developed in Chapter If they want to be baristas in coffee bars, teach them an appropriate accent in England Italian might be an advantage ; if they are training to be doctors in London, teach them how London doctors and patients speak.
One problem is native speaker expectation: natives often expect non- natives to have an approximation to a status accent. Many students in England have complained to me that they did not want to acquire an RP accent because of its snobbish middle-class associations.
As we see throughout this book, recently people have been challenging the cen- trality of the native speaker as a model. In terms of pronunciation, apart from those living in English-speaking countries, what is the point of making learners of English understand and use a native standard accent like RP when virtually every- body they will meet is a fellow non-native speaker?
The goal should be an accent that is maximally comprehensible by non-native speakers, leaving the native speaker out of the equation except for those who have to deal with them.
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